Saturday, October 28, 2023

A sense of History : Hobsbawm 's autobiography Interesting Times

 

           Hobsbawm’s   autobiography is a historian’s attempt to grapple with the meaning of history in general, and of  the  twentieth century in particular. As a ‘participant observer’  in the  last century Hobsbawm looks at his life as a part of and shaped by history to  make sense of  the twentieth century which was  described by him as ‘the age of extremes’--  it is “the most murderous as well as the most revolutionary era in history.” (P.7) Hobsbawm shows  German thoroughness in presenting the vast panorama of history with facts and figures in  an interesting manner in his historical works.  He offers  an in-depth   knowledge, logical explanation and curiosity and  his understanding of history  without seeking approval or  disagreement. In the present times characterized by the  religious conflicts, terrorism, despair about violence in the Middle East, it is necessary to know if history offers any specific  meaning or just a blind force that tramples on human life and dignity.        

    In his autobiography, Interesting Time, Hobsbawm  presents how he has grown up as a young man, became a  communist , followed party, turned critic of Stalin’s regime after Khrushchev’s revelation in the Twentieth Congress the Communist party of the Soviet union , his association with other historians and  association with third world leftist movements, constancy of loyalty to the party, the advent  and aftermath of globalization of the meaning of history as unending optimism in human agency to bring a change.. Being a Marxist  historian till the end of his life , he sees himself as an ordinary man but not as a genius like Rousseau  or St. Augustine and gives no scope to confessions or intimate personal life. The vantage point from which he sees history is as a German , Cambridge-educated  and as one  who  played a vital  role as the  British Marxist intellectual of his times .

       The public self dominates the private self and we come to know very little about his personal life or psychological landscape of the writer. As in the case of  Nehru’s autobiography , we find the private self is completely submerged by the stream of history in Hobsbawm’s autobiography.  Both Nehru,  the maker of history and Hobsbawm, the writer of history have chosen to give more importance to their public selves rather than private selves. The autobiographer thinks that either  he has more to say about his public self or reluctant to reveal  his private world to avoid hurting  people close to him. He perceives his life would  be more interesting to the reader not because of his mundane life but because of his ability to rise above his limitations. Here also his ego plays a role but indirectly. The ‘objective’ autobiographer wants to present his authentic self by not writing about his internal life  and   leaves it for the biographer to reveal little known aspects of his personal life. All the readers are not nosey type but the missing of internal reality as shaped by the external reality or history  may leave them still  clueless about the making of man. “Take it or leave it’ says the ‘objective’ autobiographer who emphasizes his public self.  

 

It is the autobiographical historian’s business not simply revisit it, but to map it. For without such a map, how can we track the paths of a life time through its changing landscapes, or understand why and when we hesitated and stumbled, or how we lived among those with whom our lives were intertwined and on whom they depended? For these things throw light not only on single lives but on the whole world. (7)            

      In the first three chapters he writes about his childhood. He was born to an English father and  a German Jewish mother in Egypt. The family came to Vienna after the first World War. His father Leopold Hobsbawm  was an idealist and his mother was an intellectual and a writer.  Owing to the impracticality and the death of his father , the family   fortunes suffered and his mother had to work hard to sustain the family through tuitions , writing novels and doing translations. Hobsbawm’s  Britishness saved him from ill-treatment given to  the other Jews  in the school. His father exercises a slight degree of intellectual influence on him and his mother told him  “You must not do anything, or seem to do anything that might suggest that you are ashamed of being a Jew’ (24) Hobsbawm writes that in pre-Hitler Vienna many middle-class Jews never became Zionist. He writes of his father’s abrupt death on returning home from a futile search for job and her mother’s deep  sorrow that  ended her life two years later. Hobsbawm doesn’t believe in exclusivism and refuses to see himself as religious or  a typical  victim. He writes, “Right and wrong, justice and injustice, do not wave ethnic badges or wave national flags.”  The claim of the Jews to the term ‘chosen people’ rests not on ghettoized existence of them but  “on its quite disproportionate and remarkable contribution to humanity in the wider world, mainly in the two centuries or so since the Jews were allowed to leave the ghettoes, and chose to do so” ( 25) The Marxist Hobsbawm steadily refuses the separatism based on fragmented identities.

He also writes about his faint memories of his father, his mother’s illness, his stay with his aunts   Gretl and Mimi and  how his mother made him defer his desire to join the communist party till he got  intellectual maturity. He criticizes his mother’s poems before his aunt and refers to his conviction in his “professional life and private passions” that “one should not delude oneself even about the people or things one cared about most in life.” (39)

His arrival in Berlin 1932  in the context of conflict between National Socialism and communism, the influence of  some of his teachers  made him turn towards the latter. He felt the abiding influence of the October revolution but not the Chinese revolution and the historical  circumstances propelled him to “a future of passionate commitment to politics.” (56)

He tided over hard times subsequent to the deaths of his parents due to his intellectual pursuits. He also acted responsible for his sister Nancy  during the traumatic period .               

Hobsbawm’s autobiography manages tension between autobiographer and historian . As  a historian, he tries to be objective and very little is known about his individual feelings and reactions. He writes about his fellow historians, leaders and contemporary famous people.

He remained in the communist party   after the Khrushchev’s exposure of Stalin’s crimes in 1956 for the  main   reason that he didn’t want to side with the Satan party in the name of deserting “the god that failed.”  He writes as follows;

. I was strongly repelled by the idea of being in the company of those ex-communists who turned into fanatical anti-communists, because they could free themselves from the service of “The God that failed” only by turning him into Satan. (217)   

He wanted to prove the success of being  a historian in spite of being a communist. He steered clear from becoming either the victim or a bitter critic of communism  during  the second world war and cold-war period. He has established his academic credentials as a historian and his works have been read by many leftists  around the world. His wide canvas, meticulous portrayal of events , admission of drawbacks of his cherished ideology, constant attempts to make sense of history gives us an insider’s history of the rise and fall of  fortunes of communism. The profound influence of  the October revolution decided his reference point and he remained a staunch loyalist of the same  despite disillusionments  inside the Soviet union.

  His joining the party as a central European in the collapsing Weimar Republic but not as young Briton and his pride made him remain in the party and succeed as a historian. He writes, “I do not defend this form of egoism, but neither can I deny its force. So I stayed.” (218)   

   Hobsbawm notes that  in the present it has become possible to have abundance and technological change as Marx predicted  without communism. ‘Today the foundations of this certainty that we knew where history was going have collapsed, notably the belief that the industrial working class would be the agency of change.”( 137)

While the cold war made them stick to communism, they saw unlimited potential of socialism in Russia. “To most of the world it did not seem to be the worst of all possible regimes, but an ally in the fought for emancipation from western imperialism, old and new , and a model for non –European economic and social development.”(195)

He also writes about how he  moved closer to Italian party’s line. He deals with the sixties which have seen the students’ revolutions around the world, communism in the  third world and Chinese experience. He doesn’t show much attachment towards Chinese experiment and  India appears  only  as a passing reference.

Writing about the state of history in the present he observes the political pressures on writing history, people changing the past to suit their purpose and writes, “Today is the great age of historical mythology. The defense of history by its professionals is today more urgent  in politics than ever. We are needed.” ( 296) 

 Regarding the nineteen  sixties, Hobsbawm notes that reds of his generation who were bitter lot “could not  share the cosmic optimism of the young”.( 253) While the Vietnamese struggle moved  the English Leftists deeply , for revolutionaries of his generation the main problem was “ what Marxist should do , indeed what their function could be in non-revolutionary countries.” (259)    And the disappearance of The traditional labour  left after 1983 and   Thatcherism sang a  dirge to the traditional leftism. He expresses that the night of the  electoral defeat of the Labour in 1992 as “the saddest and most desperate in my political experience.” (277)The disintegration of communism and the weakening of social democracy led to the resurrection of religious and ethno- tribalism  once propped up by the USA. Technology has caused the disappearance  of the proletariat in the classical sense in many countries, especially advanced countries. The staunch Marxist historian Hobsbaum  himself has expressed uncertainty regarding   the direction of history.  

Tony Judt in his article, “The Last Romantic” in  The New York Review of Books, Nov.20, 2003

Writes as follows: “His style is clear. Like E.P.Thomson, Raymond Williams, and Christopher Hill, his erstwhile Companions in Communist Historians’ Group , Hobsbawm is a master of English prose. He writes intelligible history for literate readers.” He also points out that  his memoirs “record a long and fruitful twentieth -century life.” He criticizes Hobsbawm’s  silence over  Russia’s suppression of  internal and external dissent. He refers to as “the most naturally gifted historians of our time; but rested and untroubled , he has somehow slept through the terror and shame of the age.”          

    Hobsbawm’s experience has been shaped more by the  Euro-centric perspective  which made  his perception of history as  pessimistic in the aftermath of the world wars and the  cold war. The   newly independent countries of  Asia, Africa and Latin America emerged from centuries of  colonialism. Hobsbawm’s uncertainty and skepticism in the face of globalization and consumerism have  not  spread to countries like India, China, Cuba or South Africa which retained their  optimism.

 

             

 

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